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Call to Patriots
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Thomas
Paine, A Call to Patriots [Excerpts
from THE CRISIS] These are the times that try men’s souls. The
summer soldiers and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the
service of his country; but he that stands it now deserves the love and thanks
of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this
consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the
triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: ‘Tis dearness only
that gives everything its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its
goods; and it would be strange, indeed, if so celestial an article as freedom
should not be highly rated. Britain, with an army to enforce her tyranny, has
declared that she has a right (not only to tax) but “to bind us in all cases
whatsoever”, and if being bound in that manner is not slavery, then there
is not such a thing as slavery upon earth. Even the expression is impious, for
so unlimited a power can belong only to God.
But, before the line of irrevocable separation be drawn between us, let us reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the enemy, yet one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. Howe [British commander] is as much deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. He expects you will all take up arms, and flock to his standard with muskets on your shoulders. Your opinions are of no use to him unless you support him personally, for ‘tis soldiers, and not Tories, that he wants. I
once felt all that kind of anger which a man ought to feel against the mean
principles that are held by the Tories: A noted one, who kept a tavern at Amboy,
was standing at his door, with as pretty a child in his hand, about eight years
old, as most I ever saw, and after speaking his mind freely as he thought was
prudent, finished with this unfatherly expression: “Well! Give me peace in my
day.” Not a man lives on the continent but fully believes that a separation
must some time or another finally take place, and a generous parent should have
said, “If there must be trouble, let it be in my day that my child may have
peace,” and this single reflection, well applied, is sufficient to awaken
every man to duty. Not a place on earth might be so happy as America…. Quitting
this class of men, I turn with the warm ardour of a friend to those who have
nobly stood, and are yet determined to stand, the matter out: I call not upon a
few, but upon all; not on this state or that state, but on every state; up and
help us; lay your shoulders to the wheel; better have too much than too little,
when so great an object is at stake. Let it be told to the future world that in
the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the
city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and
repulse it. Say
not the thousands are gone, turn out your tens of thousands; throw not the
burden of the day upon Providence but “show your faith by your works”
that God may bless you. It matters not where you live, or what rank of life you
hold, the evil or the blessing will reach you all. The far and the near, the
home countries and the back, the rich and the poor will suffer or rejoice alike.
The heart that feels not now is dead. The blood of his children will curse his
cowardice who shrinks back at a time when a little might have saved the whole,
and made them happy. I love the man that can smile in trouble, that can gather strength from distress, and grow brave by reflection. ‘Tis the business of little minds to shrink; but he whose heart is firm, and whose conscience approves his conduct, will pursue his principles unto death. My
own line of reasoning is to myself as straight and clear as a ray of light. Not
all the treasures of the world, so far as I believe, could have induced me to
support an offensive war, for I think it murder; but if a thief break into my
house, burn and destroy my property, and kill or threaten to kill me, or those
that are in it, and to “bind me in all cases whatsoever” to his absolute
will, am I to suffer it? What signifies it to me whether he who does it
is a king or a common man; my countryman or not my countryman; whether it is
done by an individual villain or an army of them? If we reason to the root of
things, we shall find no difference; neither can any just cause be assigned why
we should punish in the one case and pardon in the other. Let
them call me rebel, and welcome, I feel no concern from it; but I should suffer the mercy
of devils were I to make a whore of my soul by swearing allegiance to one man
whose character is that of a sottish, stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish man.
I conceive likewise a horrid idea in receiving mercy from a being who at the
last day shall be shrieking to the rocks and mountains to cover him, and fleeing
with terror from the orphan, the widow, and the slain of America. There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. There are persons too who see not the full extent of the evil which threatens them; they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if they succeed, will be merciful. It is the madness of folly to expect mercy from those who have refused to do justice; and even mercy where conquest as the object is only a trick of war: the cunning of the fox is as murderous as the violence of the wolf; and we ought to guard equally against both. end Gee my 'n man..... Ek het net lof vir die man wat kan glimlag wanneer die moeilikheid daar is, wat krag uit 'n druksituasie kan put, en wat dapperder word met stille nadenke. Dis die lot van kleinsieliges om te krepeer. Diegene egter wie se hart op die regte plek is, en wie se optrede deur hul gewete gerig word, sal hul beginsels tot die dood toe getrou bly. Thomas Paine 23 Desember 1776
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